Sunday, June 30, 2019

, ,   |  1 comment  |  

Nineteenth amendment: Gridlock or progressive step?




Westminster or prime ministerial system of government, with whatever its weaknesses, has worked well for centuries and well-developed traditions and conventions are available to meet with any situation. We are probably paying for our sins after haphazardly changing a system of governance which had worked quite well in our country for a long time.

By Gamini Abeywardane

The leaders of the United National party which introduced the 1978 constitution described it as the panacea for all political ills of the country since independence. The political opponents of the UNP saw it as the road to dictatorship and end of all freedoms.

All Presidents that came into power after J R Jayewardene and Ranasinghe Premadasa climbed on to the pinnacle of power on the promise of abolishing the ‘tyrannical’ executive presidency though none of them stuck to their promises beyond the election date. Instead, they enjoyed the powers and perquisites of the high office to the maximum and also examined the possibility of sticking to it beyond the two terms.

The only exception was Maithripala Sirisena who upon his election tried to deliver his promise quite honestly. Fresh from the victory backed by all forces who wanted to re-establish democracy and give the Parliament and the judiciary their due place, Maithripala had no qualms about giving up the massive powers attached to his post.
Probably the reason was, he never contested on his own accord or as a candidate of his own political party, but was handpicked and persuaded to be the common candidate by a combine of all those political parties and the civil society groups that rallied round Venerable Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera to topple the Rajapaksa regime.

Amidst massive opposition, pandemonium in the Parliament and constitutional snags, Maithripala could only go half way in terms of delivering his promise of abolishing the executive presidency. The balance part in terms of the Supreme Court determination was not possible without holding a national referendum.

The nineteenth amendment as such, was the maximum he could have gone, however honest he would have been in his attempt to deliver his promise. Ironically enough even he seems to be now regretting over going that far. He now tells the country that nineteenth amendment is the reason for the mess we are in today ---the scuffle between the Premier Wickremesinghe and him as well as other political woes.

At the same time he stated that the eighteenth amendment almost created an absolute monarchy and there was great need for a change. It is an admission that the nineteenth amendment, despite its faults, was a progressive step. However, at last he seems to find fault with both eighteenth and nineteenth amendments.

Indirectly, the suggestion is that it is better to change the nineteenth amendment before the next presidential election in order to prevent a recurrence of a similar situation in the future. That seems to have some point.

What if the next two elections also produce a President and a Prime Minister who will pull in two different directions? By nature of the nineteenth amendment the holders of the two posts will enjoy some sort of equal power and the worst is if the presidency and the premiership go to two different political parties.

Such a scenario is not impossible particularly in the current context of confusion and chaos with no party or individual in politics considered exceptionally popular. Then, the only option will be to go on for another four and half years as the President under the nineteenth amendment will have no authority to dissolve Parliament before such time.

Consensus
It is only the consensus among political parties that can resolve such an issue in a democracy. However, our experience is that consensus on such a major issue is never possible in our system where the greed for power and perks overtakes national interest.
That way the country has no other option than tolerating all the ills of the Constitution and the system until some party obtains two thirds majority in the Parliament which is again a near impossibility under the prevailing proportional representation system.

Thus the possibility is for the nineteenth amendment in the present form to remain a part of the Constitution whether one likes it or not. All this would have been avoided if the process to draft a new Constitution that began in the Parliament several years ago had seen its fruition.

A major part of the work in that regard has been already done, but it is not possible to go ahead with it in the prevailing political climate. It is also unlikely that a future government will be able to revive that process and continue with it from where it has been stopped.

However, with date for Presidential elections fast approaching there is no time for debate over any such things and inevitably the matter will be left to the next President and the Parliament to resolve.

So the likelihood is that there will not be any possibility for a totally new Constitution, but piecemeal changes may be introduced from time to time depending on the outcome of each election. We will have to live with each amendment for some time to see how workable they are.

Future politics will be complicated with unexpected issues coming up because of the friction between Parliament and the President. The reason is there are no conventions or precedents in our system because we are still experimenting with our presidential form of government.

Judicial interpretation
The only hope in this regard can be the judicial process which will be able to play a decisive role in interpreting the provisions of the Constitution as happened in the recent judgments of the superior courts in the unsuccessful attempt to dissolve the Parliament.

The matter can also get resolved to some extent if the next government gets a clear majority in the Parliament. Still there is a greater possibility that many of the matters of friction among the various agencies of the government will end up in courts and that can be one way of resolving some of these issues once and for all.   

A Constitution like any other system has to evolve and maybe we are going through this evolution. Further amendments or judicial interpretations will become necessary to overcome every obstacle that we may confront on the path of our constitutional development. The country’s courts will have a definite role to play in it.

Westminster or prime ministerial system of government, with whatever its weaknesses, has worked well for centuries and well-developed traditions and conventions are available to meet with any situation. We are probably paying for our sins after haphazardly changing a system of governance which had worked quite well in our country for a long time.



Saturday, June 15, 2019

No comments  |  

Tussle between President and Parliament

Will it be a permanent feature in our political system?



It is doubtful whether elections alone can resolve the major problems in politics today, namely the instability emanating from the inherent faults of the system of government which got further complicated with the nineteenth amendment to the Constitution.

By Gamini Abeywardane

The tussle between the President and the Parliament that has been going on for several years, plunging the country into a deep crisis, has come to a climax again with the on-going parliamentary enquiry into the Easter Sunday terrorist attack.

The key officials of the security and intelligence establishment who have been called upon to testify before the parliamentary select committee are between the Devil and the deep blue sea. On the one hand, the President reprimands them not to participate in it, while on the other the Speaker reminds them of the possible repercussions, if they do not obey the dictates of the Parliament.

While this drama is going on, President in protest has refused to hold the weekly Cabinet meetings bringing every major government activity and decision making process to a grinding halt. The Leader of the Opposition Mahinda Rajapaksa has called for a parliamentary vote backed by two thirds of the members enabling a snap election to resolve the matter, while the government led by the Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has proposed a parliamentary resolution compelling the President to have the Cabinet meetings.

A similar situation arose several months ago when the President tried to dissolve the Parliament and call for a general election which was resisted by the Parliament on the ground the President had no power to do so. Finally the matter had to be resolved with the intervention of the country’s highest courts and the country suffered heavily due to the uncertainty that prevailed for 51 days.

Whatever the consequences for the country, it is unlikely that the UNP will agree to have an early parliamentary election. In all probability what is likely to happen is dragging on the weak government as it happened in the past several years, with no benefit for the country. In between there is a possibility of some of these issues further escalating and ending up in courts.

In the current complex political landscape, a worst scenario would be to hold the presidential and parliamentary elections and then to end up in a similar situation again with the President elected from one party and a different party obtaining the majority in the Parliament. Though remote, these are not impossibilities in view of the fact that people are completely fed up with the current set of parliamentarians as well as the political system.

That way it is doubtful whether elections alone can resolve the major problems in politics today, namely the instability emanating from the inherent faults of the system of government which got further complicated with the nineteenth amendment to the Constitution.

Irony is that the Constitution which JR Jayewardene introduced with the intention of giving political stability to the country has ultimately resulted in destabilizing the country. Unlike in the Westminster system, under the current set up Parliament is incapable of changing the government which includes the presidency as well and any state of instability can get prolonged without a solution. That is exactly what we are experiencing today. 

The solution may be to modify the nineteenth amendment to the Constitution or to go back to the Westminster system. However, none of these changes are likely to take place with all the main players in politics looking at the impending elections with the prime objective of getting into the hot seats of power.
Some academics have argued that with the nineteenth amendment President’s powers are drastically pruned down and the next President will not be able to hold any Cabinet portfolios and will be more or less a ceremonial figurehead. However, such a scenario is unlikely as the President will continue to be elected directly by the people while he will also remain as the head of the Cabinet. 

The executive presidency has not been officially abolished and the Supreme Court in its determination on the nineteenth amendment has specifically stated that certain powers of the presidency cannot be removed without holding a referendum. That way if a President is elected from a different party he will have substantial clout to put a spoke in the Prime Minister’s wheel as is happening now.

The other major issue is that some of the provisions in the hurriedly prepared nineteenth amendment are not clear-cut and could lead to confusion and more legal issues again and again, in case the President and the Prime Minister are elected from two different political parties.

Today we are suffering the disastrous effects of trying to be a constitutional laboratory by drastically changing the system of government the country had been gradually accustomed to since the introduction of universal franchise in 1931. 

The Constitution that J R Jayewardene envisaged for whatever good or bad reasons has also been haphazardly modified by too many amendments within a too short a period distorting the spirit of the document.  Most of these amendments were to suit the whims and fancies of those in power and not introduced in the interest of the country.

In this situation it is difficult to expect any winning party at a future election to modify the system for the greater interest of the country. The tendency we have witnessed in the past is the winner will try to consolidate his or her position during his tenure irrespective of whatever the future consequences for the country.

As it is, the most suitable thing is for all major political parties to get together and do the necessary changes to the political system to bring about some political stability. This can be done by amending the existing post nineteenth amendment presidential system or by reverting back to the time-tested Westminster model adjusted according to the current needs of our country